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Issue 1, 2006
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
El Paso Branch
The Economy of Southwest New Mexico
Southwestern New Mexico—anchored
by such cities as Las Cruces, Alamogordo, Deming, Ruidoso,
and Truth or Consequences—is a rapidly growing,
highly diverse region that has outperformed the larger
nearby metro areas of El Paso and Albuquerque in recent
years.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis
divides the United States into 179 areas, each consisting
of a single node that serves as the center of economic
activity, plus five or more counties linked to the node
through daily commuting patterns and newspaper readership.
Chart 1 shows the BEA area that encompasses six counties
in Southwest New Mexico, all satellites for the hub
in El Paso. El Paso County and two other Texas counties—Culberson
and Hudspeth—are also included in the area.

El Paso County (population 710,000)
and Doña Ana County (185,000) are single-county
metropolitan statistical areas, or MSAs, that share
a border on the Texas–New Mexico line. Based on
both 2004 population and personal income, the El Paso
MSA constitutes about 68 percent of the BEA-defined
area and Las Cruces another 18 percent. In third place
is Otero County (home to Alamogordo), with 6 percent,
leaving 8 to 9 percent for the remaining six counties.
Las Cruces and Doña Ana
County dominate Southwest New Mexico, with 55 percent
of the population and 57 percent of personal income.
But El Paso, only 45 miles from Las Cruces, remains
the regional center.
Economic Drivers
A list of the key drivers
for the Southwest New Mexico economy must include the
following: education, defense, agriculture, regional
crossroads and distribution center, bedroom community
for El Paso, and a recent housing boom fed by relocations
from across the country. This diversity, uncommon for
a small economy, has been key to the region’s
history of stable and steady growth. Education and defense
have made notable, specific contributions to stability
and generated large numbers of well-paid jobs.
The region is home to two state-supported
universities: New Mexico State University in Las Cruces
and the much smaller Western New Mexico University in
Silver City. NMSU is among the region’s largest
employers, with 16,000 students, 700 faculty, 3,400
staff, $500 million in annual revenues, and $135 million
in research and public service. Western New Mexico University’s
2005 enrollment was 2,500.
Also among Southwest New Mexico’s
biggest employers are Hollomon Air Force Base in Alamogordo
(6,500 military and civilian workers) and White Sands
Missile Range in Doña Ana County (5,600). Not
far away in El Paso, Fort Bliss has 18,600 workers,
making it the largest single employer in the BEA region
shown in Chart 1.
The importance of these three
military installations to the area is illustrated by
some recent numbers from the University of Texas at
El Paso. Combined, the three bases directly or indirectly
account for 23 percent of the region’s wholesale
and retail sales; $1 of every $8 of personal income
is attributable directly or indirectly to these facilities.
Loss of the bases would cut regional municipalities’
tax revenues by $195 million.[1]
Military-base stability can be
interrupted by troops coming and going during wartime
or, more fundamentally, by base realignment. After reviews
in 1988 and 1993, the Base Realignment and Closing Commission
recommended many major changes in military facilities
across the U.S. After the most recent study was completed
last year, recommendations went to Congress in September
and were approved in November.
The 2005 realignment leaves the
number of personnel at Hollomon and White Sands essentially
unchanged. Fort Bliss in El Paso, however, will see
a net increase of 11,000 troops (an armored division
from Germany), which will mean billions of dollars in
spending for Fort Bliss and nearby infrastructure. Southwest
New Mexico could be affected as this construction—or
new building in a dramatically tighter El Paso housing
market— begins to compete with the red-hot Las
Cruces homebuilding market.
Distribution and Agriculture
The historical basis of the
Southwest New Mexico economy is as a regional crossroads
and distribution center and an agricultural hub. This
is where the southern pass through the Rocky Mountains
met the Camino Real that linked Mexico City to Santa
Fe. Today, it is (less romantically) where Interstate
10 meets Interstate 25.
The convergence of major highways
and distribution center role for nearby smaller communities,
combined with tourism, make Doña Ana County an
important destination. As a result, Las Cruces has 66
percent more local income generated by gasoline stations
than the typical U.S. city, 62 percent more by repair
and maintenance businesses, 55 percent more by general-merchandise
retail, 35 percent more by auto dealers and auto parts
stores, 34 percent more by restaurants, and 34 percent
more by health care and social assistance.[2]
Regional agriculture is also increasingly
focused on Doña Ana County, where recent years
have seen cotton, onions and tomatoes give way to chilies,
pecans, grapes and pistachios. Agriculture generated
2.6 percent of New Mexico personal income in 2004. Doña
Ana County, in contrast, earned 7.1 percent of personal
income from farm labor or ownership, while the other
five Southwest New Mexico counties were well below the
state share at only 1.6 percent.
Chart 2 shows how irrigation,
mechanization, economies of scale and movement to higher
value products have worked in favor of Doña Ana
County, allowing it to capture 90 percent of inflation-adjusted
farm income in the six-county area by 2004. Note that
most of the gains came in the 1980s, however, and that
agriculture has not been a significant growth source
in recent years. Despite the swing in income to Doña
Ana County, the split in farm employment between it
and the other five counties has remained near 50–50.
The result is that the average Doña Ana County
farmworker and owner earn significantly more than workers
in other industries—a trend unseen elsewhere in
New Mexico or the U.S.[3]

Ties to El Paso
Doña Ana County serves
as a bedroom community for many people who hold jobs
in El Paso. In 1970, the Census Bureau counted only
803 such commuters, but by 2000 the number had grown
to 10,441, or 13.8 percent of all Doña Ana County’s
commuters. This makes El Paso County the largest employer
for the Las Cruces MSA. Most of these commuters are
probably from the southern part of the county, rather
than the Las Cruces area. The ongoing residential development
of Santa Teresa, N.M., plus the industrial expansion
to take advantage of the Santa Teresa–San Jerónimo
border crossing, seems certain to continue the trend
toward greater integration of El Paso and Doña
Ana counties. Under current rules for defining a metropolitan
area, the two neighboring counties would become a single
metro area when the commuter interchange reaches 25
percent.[4]
This growing dependence on El
Paso jobs injects a new element of instability into
Southwest New Mexico. Since 1980, the U.S. has had three
recessions (1982, 1990 and 2001), but El Paso has experienced
six significant downturns—in 1982, 1986, 1990,
1995, 2001 and 2003.[5] This volatility is not surprising,
given El Paso’s roots in the low-wage garment
and leather industries and its growing ties to the Mexican
maquiladora industry. Mexico’s influence has always
been strong, with around 11 percent of local retail
sales made to Mexican shoppers. And as low-wage apparel
manufacturing has declined, the development of many
suppliers to the maquiladora industry has brought El
Paso new factory jobs in plastic-injection molding and
metal stamping. For example, El Paso’s 1995 decline
was strictly an import, resulting from the Mexican financial
crisis and a deep devaluation of the peso.
Housing
Las Cruces has been discovered
by the outside world in recent years. Like the winner
on American Idol, Las Cruces has become famous
almost overnight, appearing on numerous lists of the
best places to live, start a small business or retire.
This fame has spread with the rising tide of homeowners
who have cashed out of markets where values have risen
steeply (mostly on the East and West coasts) and moved
to cities with lower housing prices. Las Cruces is clearly
high on the list of low-cost housing markets that offer
a relaxed lifestyle like California’s, but without
the price tag.
Chart 3 shows the number of single-family
permits issued per thousand population in Albuquerque,
El Paso and Las Cruces. Tech-rich Albuquerque led much
of the 1990s with six to seven permits per thousand,
while El Paso and Las Cruces issued between four and
six. Las Cruces rocketed upward starting in 2001, issuing
12 permits per thousand by 2005.

Chart
4 shows the value of the typical single-family permit
in the three major cities, divided by median family
income. The resulting ratio is a measure of affordability,
and for El Paso and Albuquerque, it stays near 2 from
1999 to 2005. For Las Cruces, it starts above 3, then
rises to near 5. This indicates the city’s housing
boom is not driven by local money but by relocations
from much more expensive markets.
The result has been an increase
in construction-related jobs and income throughout Southwest
New Mexico. Between 2001 and 2005, construction employment
rose 8.4 percent in the U.S., 11 percent in Albuquerque
and 3.5 percent in El Paso. It jumped 29.8 percent in
Doña Ana County and 37.9 percent in the six-county
region. The rise in construction-related income was
even more dramatic: up 51.7 percent in Doña Ana
County and 62.4 percent in the region. This construction
boom was doubtlessly a significant element in Las Cruces’
continued economic strength, while Albuquerque succumbed
to the tech bust of 2001 and El Paso to a double-dip
manufacturing recession.
The question of whether housing
bubbles elsewhere are stirring up froth in Las Cruces
becomes increasingly relevant as the national housing
market begins to cool and overheated housing markets
that have driven past relocations begin to see stable
or even declining prices ahead. Many relocations are
without doubt strictly driven by Las Cruces’ reputation
as a nice place to live, work or retire. But how big
is the equity-driven component?
Even if the Las Cruces market
cools significantly, leaving a hole in the Southwest
New Mexico construction market, El Paso may be able
to pick up the slack. The pending arrival of 11,000
new troops at Fort Bliss has left the city’s housing
market straining at the seams. New Mexico construction
workers may simply drive a few extra miles to work.
—Robert W. Gilmer
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| About
the Author
Gilmer is a vice president
and senior economist at the Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas.
Notes
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“Regional Economic Impacts of
Military Installations in the Paso del
Norte Region,” by Dennis L. Soden,
David A. Schauer, Brent McCune, David
Coronado and Janet S. Conary, Institute
for Policy and Economic Development,
University of Texas at El Paso, Technical
Report no. 2004-1, January 2004.
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These calculations are based on the
use of location quotients, or concentration
ratios. For an explanation and example
of this simple measure, see “The
Texas Triangle as Megalopolis,”
by Robert W. Gilmer, Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas Houston Business,
April 2004.
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Throughout New Mexico, the typical
farm proprietor earned $32,343 in 2004
and the farmworker $30,832. In Doña
Ana County, the figures are $76,640
and $58,559, respectively.
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Commuting from El Paso County to Doña
Ana County involved only 4,675 people
in 2000, or less than 2 percent of El
Paso commuters.
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An index of coincident economic activity
for El Paso, which tracks the business
cycle for the metropolitan area since
1978, can be found at www.dallasfed.org/data/data/elpcoini.tab.htm.
About Crossroads
Crossroads
is published by the El Paso Branch of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas. The views
expressed are those of the authors and do
not necessarily reflect the positions of
the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas or the
Federal Reserve System.
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Reserve Bank of Dallas. |
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