Remarks
to the TCU Economic Outlook Conference
Delivered to the Center for Business
and Economic Forecasting at the Neeley School of Business,
Texas Christian University
Fort Worth, Texas
May 16, 2007
Thank you, Dean Short. I am honored
to be the keynote speaker at this first annual Economic
Outlook Conference at the Center for Business and Economic
Forecasting here at TCU’s Neeley School of Business.
You are especially kind to take in a Dallasite to break
bread with you today.
We have come a long way since
the days when the late, great Amon Carter would reportedly
bring his own food whenever he had to come 30-some miles
east to Dallas and some of the great characters of Dallas
would do the same when they came out Fort Worth-way.
The world has changed much in the past many years since
these trailblazing figures dominated our respective
communities.
Today, Fort Worth and Dallas are
joined together on the continuous Möbius strip
that is today’s global economy. Together, we are
on the same plane as we face the challenges of the new
economic era.
I’d like today to talk about
some of the changes that have occurred in the world
around us. I would like to talk about globalization
and prospering in an intensely competitive world.
Long ago, the case for competition
was articulated by such iconic economists as Adam Smith
and David Ricardo. Perhaps the most apt refinement of
the dynamics of competition and its consequences for
economic advancement, however, came from a professor
at Harvard—the TCU of the East—named Joseph
Schumpeter.
I am midway through a brilliant
biography of Schumpeter, Prophet of Innovation,
by Thomas McCraw and published just recently. McCraw
puts substantial flesh—a double entendre, by the
way, as he writes that Schumpeter used to tell his classes
at Harvard that he “aspired to be the greatest
economist, horseman and lover in the world” and
then would add, “Things are not going well with
the horses”—he puts flesh on the bones of
an economist who coined the term creative destruction,
one I draw on repeatedly to put our current economic
situation in perspective.
Let me read to you three excerpts
from two of Schumpeter’s seminal works. First,
from Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy:
“The fundamental impulse that sets and keeps the
capitalist engine in motion comes from the new consumers’
goods, the new methods of production or transportation,
the new markets, the new forms of industrial organization
that capitalist enterprise creates.”
From that same page: “The
opening up of new markets, foreign or domestic, and
the organizational development from the craft shop and
factory…illustrate the same process of industrial
mutation…that incessantly revolutionizes the economic
structure from within, incessantly destroying
the old one, incessantly creating a new one. This process
of Creative Destruction is the essential fact of capitalism.
It is…what every capitalist concern has got to
live in.”
And from volume 1 of Schumpeter’s
Business Cycles: “A railroad through
new country, i.e., country not yet served by railroads,
as soon as it gets into working order upsets all conditions
of location, all cost calculations, all production functions
within its radius of influence; and hardly any ‘ways
of doing things’ which have been optimal before
remain so afterward.”
String the key operative phrases
of those three citations together and you get the plot
of the story of globalization: “The opening up
of new markets, foreign or domestic . . . revolutionizes
the economic structure, . . . destroying the old one,
. . . creating a new one. . . . [It] upsets all conditions
of location, all cost calculations, all production functions,
. . . and hardly any 'ways of doing things' which have
been optimal before remain so afterward.”
The master of creative destruction
of syntax, Yogi Berra, put it more eloquently: Once
you open new markets, “History just ain’t
what it used to be.”
Globalization is a gargantuan
Schumpeterian railroad coursing across our economic
landscape, upsetting all conditions of location, all
cost calculations, all production functions, and no
doubt all the assumptions once harbored by economic
forecasters. None of the “ways of doing things”
that were optimal before the revolutionary impulses
of cyberspace and the fall of the Soviet empire, the
transformation of China, and the many other manifestations
of the hyperintegrated world we live in, remain so.
History—together with the assumptions upon which
many forecasters base their models for growth and inflation
forecasting—just ain’t what it used to be.
The economic impact of globalization
is captured in stark prose in the recently issued annual
report of the Dallas Federal Reserve Bank. I have brought
copies for each of you today. Take it home. Read the
essay titled “The Best of All Worlds.”
The essay points out that the
simultaneous opening up of the world economy—especially
the integration of markets due to the telecommunications
revolution and the development of cyberspace—has
changed the way every entrepreneur, every manager, and
every business woman and man in America contemplates
their cost of goods sold and the markets they sell to
as they navigate into the future.
The essay explores 10 ways globalization
raises productivity and reduces costs. I am going to
summarize them for you. But first, let me set the stage
with a story about a good friend of mine named Dr. Jonathan
Weissler, who holds the chair in pulmonary research
at the University of Texas Southwestern University Hospitals
in Dallas, where Dr. Weissler is chief of medicine.
We have coffee together in the mornings at our local
Starbucks and here is what he tells me:
When Dr. Weissler sees a patient,
he, like most doctors, dictates examination notes into
a recorder so that the information can be transcribed
into the patient’s file. There is nothing startling
there; this has been standard medical practice for decades.
What is new—and a hallmark of the Knowledge Economy—is
that instead of paying an on-site employee at UT Southwestern
to transcribe his dictation, he sends the recording
electronically to a company that farms the work out
to English speakers around the world to transcribe overnight.
They type up the notes for a fraction of the cost while
Dr. Weissler sleeps. And, voilà, they
are on the good doctor’s desktop the next morning.
Incidentally, Dr. Weissler says
he can tell when the transcripts are produced in India
because the English is perfect and even the most complex
medical terms are spelled correctly—a testimony
to India’s teaching P.G. Wodehouse and the blocking
and tackling of proper English in their schools.
By reducing costs and streamlining
his recordkeeping in this way, Weissler’s practice
runs more efficiently and his staff can devote more
time to serving patients. The real payoff is that the
money saved can be reinvested into researching new ways
to save and improve lives.
Dr. Weissler is harnessing and
harvesting globalization. He is availing himself of
resources created by the spread of knowledge around
the world in order to save money and run an efficient
operation. He now optimizes his operations in a way
that couldn’t be done before.
To some this is alarming—especially
those who focus on jobs lost to globalization, like
the ones held by Texans and other Americans who once
transcribed those notes for Dr. Weissler. Dwelling on
these lost jobs or outsourced tasks ignores lessons
of history. To be sure, we cannot and should not ignore
the painful adjustments that economic advancement inflicts
upon displaced workers; we should never underestimate
the human costs of the process of creative destruction.
And we should implore our political leaders to come
up with ways to assist those displaced workers and provide
mechanisms for them to move up the economic ladder.
Without, I might add, mucking up the creative side of
the process.
American entrepreneurs and workers
have developed a mastery of the creative side of the
process—albeit with fits and starts—over
the past 200 years. Our $13.2 trillion economy—the
world’s biggest, by far—is proof that we
can adapt to new circumstances and profit from the benefits
those circumstances provide. To be prepared for globalization—to
harness and harvest it and ride it to continued prosperity—we
must remain at the forefront of the Information Age.
We must master the Knowledge Economy.
The lesson of the essay in our
annual report is that globalization is spreading the
Knowledge Economy around the globe—and the Knowledge
Economy is accelerating the pace of globalization. While
globalization itself is not new, it has gathered intensity
over the past decade or so because of technologies that
make it cheaper and easier to move information to nearly
all corners of the world.
We have had decades to contemplate
globalization in goods that were produced by cheap labor
and abundant resources in faraway lands like China or
Vietnam or Poland. But globalization has spread beyond
manufactured goods to other segments of the economy,
rapidly moving up the value-added ladder. Computers,
the Internet, high-capacity fiber-optic cables and other
marvels of modern communications fuel the extension
of international competition into a broad realm of the
economy that had been largely isolated from it. I am
referring, of course, to the globalization of the service
sector.
Bear in mind that 82 percent of
the American workforce is employed in the service sector.
Generally speaking, our highest-paying jobs are in services—engineers,
scientists, computer systems analysts, stockbrokers,
professors, doctors, lawyers, dentists, CPAs, entertainers
and other service providers—to say nothing of
the mega-compensation paid to hedge fund managers and
financial engineers.
Beginning in 1993, the average
wage for private services employees surpassed base industry
wages. By 1999, all nonretail services employees, even
public service employees like government workers and
teachers, were averaging more pay per hour than industrial
workers.
The destructive side of the process
of capitalism’s creative destruction is evident
in the numbers as old professions give way to new, higher-paying
ones. The number of U.S. farm laborers decreased 20
percent between 1992 and 2002. In the same 10-year time
frame, employment of telephone operators decreased 45
percent; that of sewing machine operators decreased
50 percent. This is not ancient history; this all occurred
within a time frame that is fresh in the memory of everyone
in this room.
Yet within that same time frame—between
1992 and 2002—the number of architects grew 44
percent, legal assistants 66 percent and financial services
employees 78 percent. The growth of job categories related
to the Internet, many of which didn’t even exist
in 1992—webmasters, for example—has been
as dramatic as Moore’s curve. The creative side
of creative destruction has replaced lost jobs in declining
sectors with new ones in emerging sectors.
Since 1992, the goods-producing
sector has seen its share of nonfarm payrolls fall by
3.9 percentage points. However, the losses have been
more than offset by job gains in just three service
sectors—professional and business services, health
care, and leisure and hospitality.
Today, manufacturing employs one
of 10 U.S. workers, about the same number as the leisure
and hospitality sector. One in 20 works in construction—fewer
than in financial services. Nearly the same number of
people work in government as in the goods-producing
sector as a whole. In the past year, the number of manufacturing
jobs shrank by 1 percent. In contrast, employment grew
by around 3 percent in education, health care, and leisure
and hospitality and by over 5 percent in professional
services.
Here is a statistic that about
beats all: At the end of 2005, the U.S. auto and auto
parts manufacturing industry employed about 1.1 million
workers and added 0.8 percent of the value to our GDP.
The legal services sector employed nearly the same number
but contributed 1.5 percent of the value added to GDP.
I will resist the temptation to make a lawyer joke because
this is no laughing matter to economists: The legal
services industry provides as many jobs as auto manufacturers
but contributes nearly twice the value added to our
economic output.
I think you get the point: The
service sector, not autos and other forms of traditional
manufacturing, drives our economy. And will continue
doing so.
Many services are still untouched
by globalization. It remains impractical, for example,
for a TCU professor to enjoy the pristine sushi freshly
made by the dockside chefs who work around Tokyo’s
Tsukiji fish market, or to import the services of a
barber who lives in…Seville—sorry Rossini,
I couldn’t resist that one. But many more services
from all parts of the world can be delivered here in
the blink of an eye (or in 40 winks of Dr. Weissler's
eye overnight), thanks to the revolution in communication
technologies that allow knowledge to overcome traditional
impediments of distance.
Dr. Weissler shows us how some
of the medical profession’s common support services
have been globalized. Yet, his example is but the tip
of the iceberg of the ways we can stretch the boundaries
of high-skilled services. In 2001, a surgeon in New
York, using robotic tools, removed the gallbladder of
a patient 3,870 miles away in the French city of Strasbourg.
In 2005, a laptop computer in Boston guided instruments
as they performed heart surgery—unaided by human
hands—on a patient in Milan, Italy. Geographic
boundaries and technological impediments are evaporating
even at the far reaches of the value-added realm.
It is trends like these that inspired
us at the Dallas Fed to consider the ways globalization
is changing our economy.
Here are the 10 ways in which
globalization now impacts the Knowledge Economy. We
have found that globalization lowers communication and
transportation costs, point No. 1; fuels competition,
point No. 2; and encourages specialization, point No.
3. A firm can now access labor, raw materials and other
resources at any time and from anywhere on the globe,
resulting in point No. 4: improved production functions.
Producers can sell their goods
and services to a larger market, No. 5, and extend their
economies of scale, No. 6, by producing to satisfy global,
not just domestic, demand.
Point No. 7, capital markets expand,
freeing money to seek the highest return available globally
and to fund development of new production capacity anywhere
on the planet.
Point 8, knowledge spreads across
towns, industries and countries, fueled by migration,
the Internet, cell phones and trade.
Globalization erodes national
or natural monopoly power, making markets more accessible
to competition and more fair to consumers—or in
other words, more “contestable,” point 9.
And finally, increased production leads to increased
consumption without reducing the amount available for
others to consume, point 10. Just because I’m
downloading the most recent episode of 24 from
iTunes does not mean someone in Norway cannot download
it, too.
The common thread among these
10 factors is that they all raise productivity’s
level or its growth rate—or both. Higher productivity
lowers costs. Lower costs restrain inflation, the bête
noire of any progressive economy and the bane of Federal
Reserve officials and central bankers everywhere. In
this fundamental way, globalization raises the economy’s
speed limit, allowing policymakers to relax a little
and let the economy expand at rates that might once
have been considered unsustainable. In a globalized
world, faster growth need not carry the same inflationary
implications it does in a closed world.
The Fed’s mandate calls
for keeping inflation low while maintaining maximum
sustainable economic growth—a duty we cannot fulfill
without weighing productivity. Getting more output from
existing labor and capital allows the economy to grow
faster without igniting price pressures. We saw this
vividly, for example, in the 1990s, when the IT revolution
led to surging productivity, lower costs and faster
growth. The Fed understood that increased supplies of
goods and services, not inflationary excess demand,
fueled the expansion, and it wisely let the economy
seek a higher growth rate.
Considering all the dynamics of
our globalized world, one problem economic forecasters
have is that they lack proper measuring sticks to capture
these intangible dynamics. When a Boston doctor operates
remotely on a patient in Milan, should we credit it
to the U.S. economy or the Italian economy? A Barbie
doll is designed in America and assembled in Malaysia
from Taiwanese plastic pellets, Chinese cloth and Japanese
nylon. Is the doll American or Malaysian or something
else? When people in the U.S. and other countries can
work together so seamlessly, how can we pull them apart
with the data? Our annual report underscores how the
world is fast becoming one big integrated economy, which
suggests we should care as much about foreign output
gaps, capacity utilization rates and unemployment rates
as we do about our own.
Traditional economic doctrine
does not recognize the importance of, for example, foreign
output to a country’s inflation rate. Only domestic
output matters. But a new economic model, produced by
the Dallas Fed, allows us to show that foreign output
also matters. For central bankers, getting policy right
will involve analyzing a great deal of additional data
and overcoming blind spots about what’s going
on in key parts of the world. We don’t, for example,
know as much as we’d like about China’s
capital stock, work hours and rural unemployment. We
have no reliable estimates of the productive capacity
in Brazil, India and Russia. All the data shortcomings
are maddening, but they aren’t reason enough to
deny the fundamental fact that globalization is changing
the way our economies work.
Data that do not reflect the world
in which we live increase the chances for errors in
judgment. We need to develop much better measures for
the global economy, particularly as services are increasingly
traded. Today, our most detailed measures pertain to
goods, a proportionally shrinking segment of our economy.
We can tell you about agriculture and manufacturing
in excruciating detail—for example, manufacturing
data are so refined that I can tell you whether the
plastic we make is used for a bag, bottle, pipe, pillow
or floor. But we have relatively little data about our
fast-growing service sector. We have even less data
on the global services economy.
Globalization doesn’t just
drive down costs and ramp up efficiency for businesses
that harvest it. It advances living standards in ways
not captured by the standard economic measures of progress.
We need new and better tools to help us determine just
how globalization is affecting economies around the
world, and how policymakers can reap benefits from these
insights. Getting it right may well alter our notions
of economic progress, with ramifications for how we
approach the goal of price stability.
The Dallas Fed is hard at work
researching this issue. We are in the process of establishing
the Globalization and Monetary Policy Institute, and
our economic research team—the same people who
inform our Bank’s participation in the Federal
Open Market Committee—is focused with laserlike
intensity on advancing our knowledge of these underresearched
and poorly understood phenomena.
I hope that our annual report
will give you insight into how the operators of our
economy address the Globalization Challenge. And I wish
you luck as you attempt to forecast the future of our
economy in this rapidly changing, intensely challenging
and ever-entertaining world.
Thank you.
| About
the Author
Richard W. Fisher
is president and CEO of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas.
Note
The views expressed
by the author do not necessarily reflect
official positions of the Federal Reserve
System. |
|
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