Risk Is a Many Splendored Thing: Lessons Learned
Remarks to the Austin Mortgage
Bankers Association
Austin, Texas
April 4, 2007
Perceptions of risk lie in the
eye of the beholder. Some see risk as a powerful force
vital to capitalism; others consider it a four-letter
word. The latter view may be gaining currency these
days, with reports of risk coming home to roost in housing
finance. Temporary problems in one industry, however,
should not detract from the essential value of, need
for and virtues of risk taking. We must be constantly
mindful that prudent risk taking is the lifeblood of
capitalism, and it is indeed a many splendored thing.
If we had not taken risks, we would never have created
from scratch the $13 trillion U.S. economy, the greatest
economic machine in the history of the planet.
Ever since our ancestors decided
that life was anything but predestined by supreme forces
beyond their control, we have taken risks to advance
our interests as we navigate our way toward the future.
A young person who goes to college, for example, risks
the certain income from today’s job, believing
in the probability of a better paying one after graduation.
Once we are in the workforce, life insurance hedges
the risk that we might die before we have socked away
enough money to provide for our families. As we accumulate
excess savings, we place them at risk by investing in
stocks and bonds to secure our retirement. We take risks
by borrowing to finance our homes and our businesses,
with the expectation that a brighter future will enable
us to repay our debts and then some.
The impulse for risk gives rise
to agents to service it, like the good people assembled
in this room. Banks, insurance companies, investment
banks, money managers, hedge funds and other financial
intermediaries provide the means to package and distribute
risk. In the old days, their job was fairly straightforward.
The agents packaged straight-up risk instruments like
letters of credit, banker's acceptances, commercial
paper, simple loans and stocks, and fixed-rate mortgages.
Today, assisted by technology and computational power
that can assess probabilities faster than you can say
“Keep Austin Weird,” financial intermediaries
offer products to satisfy almost any risk taker’s
needs.
In contemplating the present situation
of our economy, one can easily become confused and distracted
by the enormous array of risk instruments now available
and by trying to figure out where the buck really stops.
In sorting through it all, I find it helpful to bear
in mind certain patterns that reemerge throughout history—patterns
that are imprinted in human nature, independent of advances
in financial sophistication. I would like to remind
you of them today.
The views I am about to express,
as always, are my own and not those of any other participant
in the Federal Open Market Committee or the Federal
Reserve. They are conditioned by personal experience.
A substantial part of my personal experience involved
spending some 20-odd years as a professional investor
and hedge-fund manager pursuing the time-honored goal
of buying a dollar’s worth of underlying value
with nickels and dimes invested in publicly traded securities,
including those of distressed banks, thrifts and other
financial institutions in the aftermath of the 1980s.
As mentioned in Bernie’s introduction, my partners
and I succeeded in those endeavors more often than not,
but that is not the point. The point is that I have
experienced the process of risk taking as a market operator—the
upside and the downside—at the microlevel, not
just as a macroeconomic analyst.
And yet, I am now the beneficiary
of the collective knowledge of the Dallas Fed’s
bank supervisors and analysts—those battle-hardened
souls who navigated their way through Texas’ savings
and loan, banking and real estate crises of the 1980s.
Against that backdrop, the following
is one man’s perspective on the current scene.
First, a little not-terribly-ancient
history. In the 1980s, the euphoria of oil prices approaching
$80 a barrel in today’s dollars led to a frenzy
of lending activity in the Eleventh Federal Reserve
District. At least I think that’s what any reasonable
observer would call the annual growth rate
of business loans of over 40 percent at Texas banks
and annual growth in commercial real estate
lending of almost 50 percent that we saw in the early
part of that decade. Booking assets at such a rapid
clip has a "come hither" seductive power.
In pursuit of a seemingly sure thing, more than 550
new banks were chartered in Texas from 1980 through
1985. This made for a volatile brew, combining dramatic
rates of growth in activity with a dramatic expansion
of the number of players with limited experience in
navigating a reversal of fate, or what econometricians
call a reversion to the mean. The assumption of permanently
high—or permanently rising—prices in an
asset class—in this case, oil—invariably
leads to regrettable decisions.
You recall what ensued. By early
1981, reversion to the mean had begun. Real oil prices
began to fall, contributing to an economic slowdown
in the region’s most energy-sensitive areas, such
as Houston. The regional economy held its own for a
while, propelled by a red-hot commercial real estate
sector. The state economy suffered a severe decline
when oil collapsed to the current equivalent of $17
per barrel by mid-1986. Bank and thrift failures reached
a frightful magnitude. More than 800 financial institutions
went out of business in Texas during the 1980s and into
the early 1990s. Nine of the 10 largest banking organizations
based in Texas didn’t make it.
The energy bust reverberated through
Texas, and it was keenly felt in both commercial and
residential real estate markets. Office vacancies soared.
In Dallas and Houston, they hovered around 30 percent,
and they approached 40 percent here in Austin. Troubles
in the residential sector got so bad that the city of
Garland, a Dallas suburb, authorized a condo development
project interrupted by the collapsed market to be set
on fire; burning it to the ground seemed the best choice
for the 240 unfinished condos that had become eyesores
and safety hazards in the twinkle of a financial cycle’s
eye.
That is pretty bracing stuff, but quickly forgotten
when one looks around this state two decades later and
sees a booming economy and rapid employment growth.
Texas is attracting corporate headquarters and new citizens
like bees to honey, is now the largest exporting state,
is pumping on all economic cylinders, and is even having
nice things written about its museums and restaurants
in The New York Times. And the Houston and
Austin and Dallas commercial real estate markets are
hotter than Scarlett Johansson. Yet we mustn’t
forget the dangers of miscalculating risk and the pain
of corrections.
To be sure, we have made significant
strides since the 1980s. Information technology has
greatly improved the ability to measure and calibrate
risk. The banking industry has taken advantage of the
technology with its value-at-risk measurement and the
formal statistical models that are the essence of the
proposed Basel II bank capital requirements. It is now
possible to mitigate risk through securitization and
the use of derivative products to a degree that was
unimaginable in the 1980s.
All these advances have increased
liquidity, diversified portfolios and allocated risk
to those more willing to bear it. At a very rapid rate,
I might add. The majority of banks’ involvement
in derivatives has been through interest rate swaps,
which grew 26 percent last year. But the fastest growth
has been in credit derivatives, which by some measures
increased 55 percent last year and tenfold in the past
three years or so.
By any accounting, growth in structured
credit products has been enormous. As a result, many
new players have now entered these markets—issuers
and distributors as well as buyers. Slightly more than
40 percent of the collateralized debt obligations, or
CDOs, backed by corporate loans and rated by Moody’s
last year were set up by first-time issuers that have
not yet managed through a downturn in the credit cycle.
The memory cells begin to tingle.
We are reminded that investors and financial institutions
need to consider fully the potential for broad swings
in financial markets to cause losses across a range
of asset classes, even when losses may seem uncorrelated
in a more benign environment. As we learned from our
own experience here in Texas, adverse performance may
be more correlated across assets than many expect, and
the ramifications for pricing errors can be enormous.
I often hear anecdotes of seemingly
risk-laden financial deals fetching only bare-bones
margins. Capital appears to be chasing one hot product
after another, even as returns are compressed. In this
regard, we should be mindful of the possibility that
intense competition is causing investors to reach for
yield and assume too much risk, just as Texas banks
did in the 1980s with their aggressive shift from the
faltering energy sector to the glitter of real estate.
To complicate the situation even
further, there are reasons to suspect the recent surge
in financial innovation, improperly understood, can
intensify rather than mitigate the scope for error.
I have just returned from a spring
break vacation in the Caribbean with my daughter. While
we were there, a local ichthyologist explained that
fish have no memories and tend to swim in schools.
When we were out of the water,
my tutors in the Dallas Fed’s Research Department
had me read a brief about the great economist Frank
Knight—now best known as Milton Friedman’s
teacher. And for pure reading pleasure, I took along
a compendium of Charles Dickens’ works.
There are lessons about risk to
be gleaned from all three: the fish expert, Frank Knight
and Dickens. Let’s start with Knight.
Knight viewed probabilities in
three ways. The first and simplest is something like
a roll of a fair die, where the odds of a six can be
computed as one-sixth. Second are repeatable events,
such as the proportion of widgets that might break on
a production line. Here, experience can be a good teacher.
If we observe three of 1,000 widgets breaking on Tuesday,
a similar proportion might be expected to break on Wednesday.
Third, there are unique events where probabilities can
only be formed through judgments. For example, what
is the probability that a certain new product might
eventually rival the iPod or the Blackberry in popularity?
In Knight's view, it is easiest
to position for risk in the first two circumstances.
The most difficult and most important business decisions
involve the third type of probability, where judgment
plays a decisive role.
There is an ever-present risk
that financial markets may be treating recent innovations
as if they were in the second category, where probabilities
can be based on experience, when in fact many new financial
products still belong to the third category—the
most difficult one, for which sound judgment is paramount.
Many of today’s new financial innovations arguably
have not been around long enough for their loss probabilities
to be accurately estimated, despite the comfort provided
by stochastic models and theoretical formulas.
Danger lies in placing too much
faith in historical value-at-risk estimates, especially
when they are based on limited experience with new products.
Wrong probabilities—whether they result from limited
experience, model errors or just bad judgment—can
lead to costly mistakes. The real world has a nasty
habit of reminding us of this every so often—Texas
in the late 1980s, Long-Term Capital Management in the
1990s and the subprime mortgage market today.
For these reasons, value-at-risk
estimates must be supplemented with stress testing and,
most important, prudent judgment. It takes extraordinary
discipline for financial institutions and investors
to exercise sound judgment when the fish are schooling,
swimming in pools of liquidity, unencumbered by memory.
The possibility that recent innovations
may have reshaped both the positive and negative parameters
of risk is evident in supervisors’ calls for financial
institutions to control counterparty risk, such as in
the case of credit default swaps. In these transactions,
the purchasers of protection can offload the risk of
their original positions but depend on a third party
as guarantor. Credit risk has simply been replaced by
counterparty risk, about which we might not know as
much as we should.
Here is where Dickens comes in.
In his book Martin Chuzzlewit, one of his characters
utters this classic description of financial markets:
“I can tell you,”
said Tigg…, “how many of ’em will
buy annuities, effect insurances, bring us their money
in a hundred shapes and ways, force it upon us, trust
us as if we were the Mint; yet know no more about
us than you do of that crossing-sweeper at the corner.”
And then there is my favorite
quote from Little Dorrit, sounding the alarm
bells when, as Dickens put it, “a person who cannot
pay gets another person who cannot pay to guarantee
that he can pay.”
More than 150 years ago, Dickens
foreshadowed one of today’s more vexing problems
with structured products: knowing just where the risk
is or who is ultimately holding it—who ultimately
pays should things go wrong. A growing awareness of
the potential domino effects of counterparty risk has
been emerging, where knowledge of one’s counterparty
depends on the counterparty’s counterparty.
If you’re looking for a
financial market segment where these issues have come
home to roost, you need look no further than the subprime
mortgage industry.
Only recently have we seen widespread
use of a number of innovative mortgage products, such
as interest-only loans and option ARMs. And these innovations
are now common even in the subprime sector, which itself
has grown tremendously. The most innovative mortgage
products have tended to be used more in markets with
the greatest home-price appreciation, suggesting some
homebuyers stretched themselves financially to purchase
increasingly expensive homes. In many cases, homebuyers
may have had no other choice if they wished to purchase
a home.
By easing the qualifying process,
these instruments have made home mortgage credit available
to broader segments of society—bringing “money
in a hundred shapes and ways,” to quote Dickens’
Tigg. Indeed, many families own homes today thanks to
subprimes and mortgage product innovations. That’s
the good news: Financial innovation has made it possible
for more Americans than ever to have a tangible piece
of the American Dream, including those whom some lenders
know no more about than they do of the “crossing-sweeper
at the corner.” The bad news is that these very
innovations have left homebuyers exposed to a decline
in the housing market or rising interest rates, or both.
We must not forget that these new products have yet
to be tested in a credit-cycle downturn.
A student of Dickens or of financial
market history might have expected problems to arise
in subprime lending. Relaxed standards and documentation
requirements are typically part of aggressive lending
strategies that accompany asset price booms, and subprime
lenders are no exception. Some subprime agents on the
West Coast and in Florida and elsewhere in the nation
seem to have been as aggressive and as undiversified
as the Texas banks and S&Ls were in the 1980s. Just
as we had oil prices fueling our lending boom in the
1980s, today’s mortgage explosion has been fed
by a combination of low interest rates and some spectacular
growth in home prices.
Thus far, the damage from the
subprime market has been largely contained, as many
of my Federal Reserve counterparts have been saying.
Why do we say so? To begin with, quality problems have
risen primarily for adjustable-rate subprime loans,
which are only about 8.5 percent of home mortgage debt
outstanding. Also, much of this debt was packaged into
private-label mortgage-backed securities with the downside
risk spread out over a diverse group of investors. Nevertheless,
because 40 percent of homebuyers last year were nonprime
(subprime and Alt-A) borrowers, housing markets may
feel some short-term pain, making it less clear whether
housing construction has bottomed and how long the housing
downturn may last. Fortunately, the financial system
and the economy are strong enough to weather this storm.
While the subprime damage is largely
contained, I do not mean that the market will or should
refrain from punishing those who neglected time-proven
rules of prudence. Nor am I suggesting that the neglect
of prudent practices has not bled into other types of
credit—such as the Alt-A market. Indeed, it would
be atypical for lax lending standards in one area of
credit not to lead to laxity in others. Nor am I placing
excessive faith in models that have yet to be tested
by real developments.
The subprime situation may well
be a blessing in disguise. It reminds us that history
does have the capacity to repeat itself. The old financial
axioms—levelheaded notions such as “know
your customer” (or your counterparty) and “there
is a difference between price and value”—remain
valid. I expect market discipline to reassert itself,
swiftly punishing those who pressed the limits of imprudence
or suffered selective amnesia, hopefully doing so in
a way that staves off the impulse for lawmakers and
regulators to interfere disproportionately.
I acknowledge that is a tall order.
But I am encouraged by what I see developing. As a former
market operator, I take comfort in knowing that over
time markets always clear. To be sure, the economy will
grow somewhat more slowly because of the correction
in the housing market. At the same time, other pistons
in our economic engine, particularly consumption, continue
pumping. And a buildup in housing inventory means that
responsible buyers will be able to purchase homes at
more affordable prices. We may have had a glimpse into
this process in the National Association of Realtors
report of pending home sales released yesterday.
In addressing the subprime issue,
regulatory agencies are working hard to avoid causing
an overreaction with credit standards that would needlessly
cause too much of a slowdown in housing or the overall
economy. And we do not want to stifle financial innovation
simply because some problems have arisen in one sector.
Policymakers can learn a great
deal from what they did wrong in the debacle of the
1980s. Back then, regulators and lawmakers had imposed
product restrictions—especially on thrifts—that
made diversification difficult. These limits were later
relaxed—but only after the thrifts had been weakened.
Back then, interstate branching restrictions limited
banks’ ability to diversify geographically. Tax
laws encouraged commercial real estate investment in
1981, but new policies discouraged it in 1986. A policy
of regulatory forbearance and its associated moral hazard
problems contributed to the lending excess. So-called
“zombie thrifts” were allowed to operate
when they should have been closed down, encouraging
otherwise-bankrupt institutions to “bet the bank”
in highly speculative ventures. If it paid off, fine;
if not, the taxpayer would foot the bill. In the end,
it cost over $65 billion to clean up the Texas S&L
industry alone.
I expect some of you will argue
that the Federal Reserve also compounded the problem.
It is true that breaking the back of looming hyperinflation
in the 1980s required the FOMC to push short-term interest
rates as high as 19 percent—way above the rates
thrift institutions were earning on their older, fixed-rate
mortgages. The resulting losses depleted much of the
S&L industry’s capital. Back then, Texas and
the other energy belt states felt the pain of the eventual
correction, much as the coasts are currently feeling
the aftershocks of an excessive speculation in housing
that was fueled by a combination of low short-term interest
rates and advances in financial technology.
By always bearing in mind the
potential for policymakers to compound rather than solve
problems, the Fed and other regulators are doing their
level best to tread very carefully in dealing with the
subprime situation. Mindful of this, I think the recent
subprime mortgage statement put out for comment by the
Fed and four other regulators gets the notion of sensible
risk taking just about right.
First, it asks lenders to ensure
that borrowers understand the risks in their mortgages.
Second, it specifies that an institution’s analysis
of a borrower’s repayment capacity should verify
an ability to repay the debt by its maturity date at
the fully indexed rate, assuming a fully amortizing
repayment schedule.
These common sense principles
should enable homebuyers who reasonably expect higher
future incomes to temporarily benefit from lower initial
mortgage payments. They also recognize that lenders
need to see whether borrowers can be reasonably expected
to handle the transition from an initial teaser rate
or interest-only option.
You are mortgage bankers. You
know what the situation is and what it calls for. I
would simply ask that you stick to the basics in your
lending practices and that you inform us regulators
as to what reasonable measures might be contemplated
to make sure that any problems in the subprime sector
remain “contained” and do not lead to systemic
contamination.
Subprime mortgages are a segment
of the financial marketplace in which risk might have
been abused. But this in no way denigrates the invaluable
role that taking risk plays in our economy. It all comes
down to a question of proportion. It is worth keeping
in mind the old toxicology dictum that “the dose
makes the poison,” a shortened version of a saying
attributed to a 16th century Swiss chemist named Paracelsus.
“All things,” Paracelsus wrote, “are
poison and nothing is without poison, only the dose
permits something not to be poisonous.”
I regard risk and risk taking
as a good thing. Mae West once quipped that “too
much of a good thing is never enough.” Paracelsus
may not be as funny, but I prefer his message. The dose
determines whether risk is healthy or ruinous.
Financial markets price risk 24/7.
Whether they get it right, of course, is another matter.
For mortgage bankers, knowing your customers and potential
exposures is requisite to getting it right. A roll of
the dice is something else, as is working under the
presumption that returns can be made while someone else
incurs all your risk. Remember that passage from Little
Dorrit. Astute observers recognize that third-party
assurances may provide only illusory protection from
risk.
In talking about risk today, I
have been a bit of a worrywart. That goes with the job.
After all, we are the guys who have the reputation of
taking away the punchbowl before the party gets out
of hand. I think this is the proper role for the Fed
to play, though it is hardly a strategy for winning
popularity contests. That said, we believe in the elixir
of risk, properly dosed. To thrive, capitalism needs
risk taking. Risk is a many splendored thing that drives
investment, innovation and growth. A wise man once said,
“A ship in harbor is safe, but that is not what
ships are built for.” Risk takers—mortgage
bankers like you and countless others—build and
launch the ships that sail our economy forward.
The elimination of risk can never
be the goal of any type of policymaker in a capitalist
system. Risk becomes a problem only when it is excessive
or when it is abused—a proposition that is especially
true in today’s environment, where financial markets
are increasingly globally integrated and information
moves with the click of a mouse.
The main concern for policymakers
is the potential for excessive risk taking to result
in systemic problems. So far, that has not happened,
and we are working double time, overtime to make sure
it does not. Policymakers need to remain vigilant in
seeking the right balance between prudent and indiscriminate
risk taking. As do you.
Amen to that. Amen to fish. Amen
to Charles Dickens, Mae West, Frank Knight and Paracelsus.
And to Bernie Bernfeld for inviting me to speak here
today. Thank you.
| About
the Author
Richard W. Fisher
is president and CEO of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas.
Note
The views expressed
by the author do not necessarily reflect
official positions of the Federal Reserve
System. |
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